Showing posts with label corporate campaign contributions. Show all posts
Showing posts with label corporate campaign contributions. Show all posts

Monday, April 11, 2011

By the end of the nineteenth century, a small group of “robber barons,” the captains of industry, had come to hold such tremendous power in the American republics that those captains of industry could influence government policy profoundly, even when they stood to gain financially. According to Brands, “Wealth had always conferred power, but never had a class of Americans been so wealthy as the great capitalists of the late nineteenth century, and never had such a small class wielded such incommensurate power.” (1) Such power was an inherent threat to the republic itself and its democratic foundation based on the equality of one citizen, one vote. The “great capitalists” could use their power, for example, to buy office holders of various stripes in order to evade governmental constraints and even profit by government policy and its largess.

Brands maintains, for instance, that “(i)n accomplishing its revolution, capitalism threatened to eclipse American democracy. . . . Rockefeller [for example] held whole regions hostage to his petroleum monopoly; he browbeat city governments, extorted favors from the states, and defied the federal government to rein him in.” (2)  When the Ohio Supreme Court went after his company for restraint of trade in the early 1890s, for example, the monopolist simply converted the Standard companies into a giant trust. Even when facing the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court breaking up the Standard Oil Trust in 1913, each of the resulting companies had the same ownership as before. In fact, the managements of those companies continued to work in the same building in New York City! Rockefeller’s monopoly could even get around the U.S. Supreme Court, to say nothing of the impact in terms of favorable legislation from campaign contributions and bribes paid to elected representatives.

In the twentieth century, large American corporations had war-chests of funds to contribute to political campaigns and otherwise purchase media spots. The leverage of capitalists over government and democracy by that time can be summed up by Sen. Dick Durbin’s comment after Wall Street effectively killed an amendment that would have given judges the power to adjust the sub-prime mortgage terms for those facing foreclosures after the financial crisis of 2008. Durbin simply said, “The banking lobby owns Congress.” (3) That bankers could write (or sabotage) legislation bearing on themselves even in the wake of a financial crisis in which the banks were at least contributory negligent (e.g., liars loans) furnishes us with a stark indication of what has followed from the trajectory of capitalists over democracy that occurred in the nineteenth century.

Click to add a question or comment on the eclipse of democracy by the robber barons.

1.      Henry W. Brands, American Colossus: The Triumph of Capitalism 1865-1900 (New York: Doubleday, 2010), p. 7.
2.      Ibid. See also my chapters on John D. Rockefeller in Godliness and Greed. See also my related essay on the efficacy of religio-moral constraints on greed.
3.      Ryan Grim, “Dick Durbin: Banks “Frankly Own the Place,” The Huffington Post. April 29, 2009. See also my essay on the banking lobby in Congress.

Sunday, February 27, 2011

In a 5-4 decision on January 21, 2010, the US Supreme Court ruled in Citizens United that federal restrictions on corporate spending in elections constituted a violation of free speech. Critics called it wrong to equate corporate “speech” with individual speech and said the ruling would allow special-interest money to flood election campaigns. The bipartisan nature of the opposition to this ruling is striking in these largely partisan times. The court’s ruling is opposed, respectively, by 76, 81 and 85 percent of Republicans, independents and Democrats; and by 73, 85 and 86 percent of conservatives, moderates and liberals. Majorities in all these groups, ranging from 58 to 73 percent, not only oppose the ruling but feel strongly about it. Even among people who agree at least somewhat with the Tea Party movement, which advocates less government regulation, 73 percent oppose the high court’s rejection of this particular law. In addition to overwhelming opposition to the decision, there’s also bipartisan support for Congress to try to reinstate restrictions on campaign spending by corporations and unions.

So when Target sent a check for $150,000 to MN Forward, a Minnesota-based political group backing a gubernatorial candidate with penchant for opposing gay rights, people wondered what business Target has in taking sides on that issue, even if the group was also pro-business. MN Forward endorsed and was paying for ads for the Republican gubernatorial candidate Tom Emmer. On Emmer’s website he defines marriage as a “union between one man and one woman” and he has come under fire for his $250 contribution to a Christian rockband that has been known to speak harshly of gays. Emmer told the Minnesota Star Tribune that the controversial rock band “You Can Run But You Cannot Hide,” were “nice people,” following band member Bradlee Dean’s reported comments that Muslim countries that support execution of gays are “more moral than even the American Christians.” To be sure, the managers of Target were not spending their companies’ “free speech” in defense of such a view, but that the wealth qua free speech was nonetheless being spent on a candidate who had made such a comment makes the Target CEO an unwitting accomplice.
Rather than viewing Target managers distancing themselves from Emmer’s view of gays as corporate social responsibility, I contend that the problem lies in taking spending as speech. Put another way, Target would have better stores if it sticked to its knitting, as it were.

Diverting money even to political campaign groups that further a pro-business agenda is off from the business’s main business, which in the case of Target is to sell retail. Besides the collateral damage from unwittingly helping campaigns on issues that are not even pro-business, diverting cash reserves to political campaigns puts corporations in the business of electoral politics, which is another sort of retail. In the case of Target, it is not as though the stores could not be improved from a business standpoint.  Once I accompanied a foreign friend of mine to a Target to return the coat he had given his wife for Christmas. Because he had paid by check, he had only the option, according to the “customer service” employee, of exchanging it. He could not get his money back—though he could have had he paid cash or by credit card. The “reasoning” of Target’s managers was that a check is “like kind” to an exchange voucher.  My friend and I left the store committed not to return, and I have not. Even in terms of influencing electoral politics in a pro-business general direction, Target’s management has plenty else to do closer to home—if indeed it is a home.  Rather than being socially responsible, a company ought to focus on its knitting.  That—doing business well—is the responsible thing to do because it is what a business’s owners expect from the managers of their property. Rather than being able to influence electoral politics beyond their expertise, managers ought to be restrained more by stronger corporate governance. To be sure, managers have a tendency to over-reach. Treating their spending decisions as “speech” only enbles them.

Sources:
http://blogs.abcnews.com/thenumbers/2010/02/in-supreme-court-ruling-on-campaign-finance-the-public-dissents.html
http://abcnews.go.com/Business/target-best-buy-fire-campaign-contributions-minnesota-candidate/story?id=11270194

 

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