Showing posts with label China. Show all posts
Showing posts with label China. Show all posts

Thursday, April 14, 2011

By Bloomberg News - Apr 14, 2011The leaders of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa said excessively volatile commodity prices pose a threat to the global economy and called for greater regulation of derivatives markets.Volatility “poses new risks for the ongoing recovery of the world economy,” the leaders said, according to a communique from their summit in the Chinese resort of Sanya.

Tuesday, April 12, 2011

Before the industrialization in the nineteenth century, nothing "intrinsic or permanent separated those who hired from those who hired out" because "many laborers could hope to ear and saven enough to become their own employers." (1) That is to say, the employee/employer distinction was not overlaid with connotations of disparate distinctions, such as child/parent and subject/ruler. Relatedly, the two parties to the economic agreements bearing on labor in exchange for money had roughly equal bargaining power. As the United States industrialized, however, a distinct working class developed as industrial workers found their upward mobility cut off by rising start-up costs and other barriers to entry. Additionally, the advent of the monopolies (and oligopolies) swung the balance of power in contract negotiations strongly in favor of the corporations. With the added leverage came pretensions going far beyond what could be justified by the relation of labor and capital in a commercial contract. The case of the first transcontinental railroad, which was completed in 1869, demonstrates just how distended the pretentions on the corporate side had become.

As the Central Pacific Railroad was working eastward on the first transcontinental railroad in the late 1860s, Chinese immigrants were hired at $26 per month (including board). The rate for white Americans was $30. The railroad was getting a good deal for the Chinese, as some of them had had experience using explosive black power (which had been invented by Chinese).  Where the railroad had to blow out bedrock along a cliff, Chinese workers were lowered in reed baskets to place explosive in the rock and ignite the fuses in time to get out of the way. It was highly skilled and dangerous work. Accordingly, the Chinese struck for $40 per month. The reaction from the railroad partners gives us a snapshot of the attitude of management toward labor in nineteenth-century America.
According to Brands, “the Central partners determined not to give in. ‘If they are successful in this demand, then they control and their demands will be increased,’ Hopkins warned the others. Edwin Crocker put the danger differently. ‘The truth is, he said, ‘they are getting smart.’” (2)  From this description, it can be seen that the partners viewed the Chinese demand for a higher wage as an “all or none” matter rather than as one for negotiation. Moreover, the partners’ perception was that the matter was fundamentally one of control rather than compensation. That the Chinese demand probably had merit is supported by Edwin Crocker’s admission that the Chinese were getting smart. The Chinese’ skill with explosives also lends support to this view.  Had the Chinese workers been over-reaching, Crocker might have said that the Chinese were getting greedy.  Therefore, we can conclude more generally that in labor-management disputes, managers probably tended to react in terms of power rather than economics. Moreover, the power presumed was beyond that which pertains to an economic negotiation and contract.  In other words, the partners assumed more control than they had a right to claim. In actuality, they and the workers were two parties to an agreement, rather than say rulers and subjects.  The presumption led to a rather extreme tactic.
According to Brands, “Charles Crocker ordered the provisioners to the Chinese camps to stop supplying them with food. ‘They really began to suffer,’ Edwin Crocker recalled.” Edwin Crocker reported that after a week, Charles told the laborers “that he would not be dictated to that he made the rules for them and not they for him.” The hungriest of the strikers agreed to return to work. (3)
Although it could be argued that the contract for board also involved labor, the railroad would presumably be obligated to transport the workers back to civilization. Such contractual technicalities aside, starving other human beings in order to manipulate them to get one’s way is indicative of a criminal mind; it is essentially attempted murder.  The over-extended presumption of a right to power based on an economic contract between two parties is obvious here. That the partners perceived the over-arching axis as one of control rather than money is evident from Charles Crocker’s use of dictated to and rules. These words are out of place in an economic transaction. In short, Crocker was presuming himself to be a ruler rather than a party to a contract. In addition, his tone suggests that he might have held the view that his side of the contract somehow made him akin to a parent, thus fittingly oriented to scolding the children. 
 The projections of being a ruler and a parent are so unnatural, or out of place, in an economic relationship between two parties that the psychology of the perpetrators must be questioned and found wanting. Even the psychological wherewithal and legal legitimacy even to stand as party in a contract can be questioned, so it is telling that the partners got away with their attitude and conduct. Ironically, it was the partners rather than the Chinese who were acting like children, yet how many people in the society and government who heard of the strike perceived the partners as being seriously out of line?  If this perception was lacking because of what the society at the time attributed to being a business practitioner with a title, the problem may be in the societal values as well as what was presumed to come from position itself. 

That childish (and perhaps even sadistic) behavior could issue out of a corporate office awash with economic leverage, being checked neither by whatever power labor could muster nor at least by humane societal values, points to the ability of corporate capitalism to effectively project its version of social reality onto society. A miner's mintrel in the wake of the unsuccessful "Long Strike" against the Philadelphia & Reading Railroad in 1874 captured the new situation facing both the workers and the country from the emergence of the modern corporation:

"Well, we've been beaten, beaten all to smash
And now, sir, we've begun to feel the lash,
As wielded by a gigantic corporation,
Which runs the Commonwealth and ruins the nation." (4)
 Footnotes:
1.      Henry W. Brands, American Colossus: The Triumph of Capitalism 1865-1900 (New York: Doubleday, 2010), 96.
2.      Ibid., 55.
3.      Ibid., 56.
4.      Priscilla Long, Where the Sun Never Shines: A History of America's Bloody Coal Industry (New York: Paragon House, 1989), 109.

Click to add a question or comment (and to view them) on historical labor management relations in the railroad industry.

Tuesday, March 22, 2011

According to USA Today, by mid-March in 2011 the World Bank’s food index had soared 29% from its level just the previous January and was a mere 3% below its 2008 peak. From March in 2010, Corn had increased 52%, sugar, 60%, soybeans, 41%, and wheat 24 percent.  The paper reports that the surge in food prices had many causes, including 1) rising population, which means increased demand for food, 2) speculators, who bid up commodity prices to artificial heights unrelated to supply, 3) soaring oil prices, which increase resource costs to the farmers and transporters, 4) trade policies, which become restrictive when shortages arise within a country (increasing the price on the world market), and, ironically, 5) improved standards of living in emerging nations, as new middle class consumers buy more meat. Of all of these factors, I contend that the rising population is the most fundamental, followed up by the related factor of oil.

A few months into 2011, the world's population stood at 6.8 billion, more than double the three billion in 1960. For a person of 50 years, the world's population had doubled in his or her lifetime. Thomas Malthus, the early 19th-century scholar who proposed that eventually, the world population would exceed the Earth’s ability to feed everyone, has been consistently ignored as India and China in particular have continued to grow in population at unsustainable rates (especially India--China having a quasi-one-child policy that has moderated its increase). Dan Seiver, a financial economist at San Diego State University, points to the green revolution as still being implemented in parts of the world; he is thus not yet ready to concede that the Mathusian thesis has arrived. However, he discounts the relatively high population growth rate; the increased efficiency or yield from the continued dissemination of "green" technology would have very great to outweigh the fixed (and in fact constricting) constraint of the world’s fertile land area that is used to grow food. In fact, according to the World Bank’s Hassan Zaman, the percentage of the U.S. corn crop that was used to make ethanol went from 31% in 2008 to more than 40% projected in the 2010-2011 growing season. While it is true that unlike the supply of oil in the ground, the land is being consumed, it can indeed be overused if it is not allowed to lie fallow, for example, to rest for a growing season. As the growing population exerts more and more pressure on the land to produce more and more, the land, like a horse pushed too far on a long journey on a hot August day, will tire and slow down. This would tend to happen just as the world needs each agricultural acre more. Therefore, if we as a species are unwise and expedient now in how we manage our land, our descendants will pay for our selfishness later.

I contend that it is in our interest as a species to see that our population size is managed toward a steady state rather than as a maximizing variable (i.e., schizogenic). In fact, we have a right and obligation as one body to see that our various limbs are coordinated such that none engages in hypertrophy. That is to say, the whole has the right to protect its viability by arresting excessive growth in one of the parts. That much of the world's population growth takes place in the developing world does not mean that this right, or obligation, of the world is somehow a plot by the developed countries to oppress the poorer countries. In fact, much of the pain of the higher food prices is in the developing world rather than in the industrialized countries, so it is in the interest of the developing countries to accede to the world’s demand that their population growth be stopped.

While the effect of higher food prices is modest in the developed world, 50% or more of a family budget goes toward food in many emerging markets. American consumers spend about 9% of their income on food, and another 3% for dining out. The difference is not because food is more expensive in the developing world; rather, the percentage is so high because the typical income there is so low. “For many people who spend two-thirds or three-quarters of their income on food, even small price increases disrupt normal routine,” says Hassan Zaman, lead economist for the World Bank in poverty reduction and equity. “They start sacrificing non-food items, such as clothing, and then start eating less.” Indeed, the rising cost of food has been one factor in the protests in the Middle East that were not so pristinely "pro-democracy" as the media represented. 

USA Today reports, for example, that "(w)hen Mohamed Bouazizi set fire to himself in Tunisia in December [of 2010], it wasn’t because he was yearning to vote. It was because he couldn’t feed his family and police had confiscated the fruits and vegetables he was trying to sell." Although perhaps not focused on gaining a vote, however, Bouazizi had had enough of police-state tyranny so his protest was not merely economic. Perhaps the economic, at least when it manifests in vast inequalities supported by an infrastructure tilted by powerful vested interests rather than by a differential in talent and effort, is inherently political.

In short, developing countries should be amenable to population control even if the directives come from international organizations. Such countries should not resist the world acting as one body just because much of correction needed for sustainable human living on Earth would take place in the developing countries.  We as a species can no longer afford to be petty or partisan with such matters as concern our species' continued existence. If the world does not act as one mind over its body and engage in some much needed weight-control, the patient will grow too big and soon die of a heart attack. In the end, it is not a developed/developing contest, but, rather, a decision for all of us: are we to continue growing like a virus or are we better than that?  If we continue to refuse to take responsibility for our species as a whole, perhaps the cock roach will deserve to survive us.

It is ironic that we vaunt ourselves as being made in the image of God while our species refuses to step up to the plate even to manage itself so it can survive. Many of the world's religions teach us to submit to something greater--to something wholly other. It is more difficult, it would seem, for us to submit to the good of our species as a whole, even as we as a species run up against the semi-permeable membranes that delimit us on our planet in so many ways.

I contend that we are getting closer Malthus’ "the threshold point." Future population growth (and the added consumption, such as of food and energy, that is inevitable with such growth) could have dramatic implications for human life. The previous growth did not have such implications, at least  with respect to the world as a whole, so that growth was qualitatively different than that which we shall face if we continue to add billions to the global human population.  This qualitative distinction is precisely what we as a species have been having such a difficult time in grasping. To the chagrin of financial chartists, who try to divine stock movements in the future based on past trends, what was the case yesterday may not be the case tomorrow anymore. We got hits of this when the global financial system almost collapsed in September of 2008 and the Japanese nuclear plant almost had a meltdown in March of 2011. There being no financial market or no Japan would have been a wake-up call to us all concerning the assumptions we all implicitly make about there being a tomorrow like today. The sun may rise again, but we may not be around to watch it. Being made in God’s image does not guarantee us a seat. To grasp this vital point requires moving one's eyes from the rising prices on the shelves at our favorite local grocery store to consider the big picture with respect to the human race on planet Earth.  To act on this point requires significant reform of international organizations, such that they would be more than the sum of their parts.

If coordination between countries such as through the U.N. is not sufficient to arrest growth in the worst offenders, a transfer of a degree of sovereignty adequate for the tasks needed to avert reaching the threshold point beyond which the Earth can no longer support the human race is needed. This is particularly true if the worst offenders do not have the political will to correct themselves even if doing so is in their own interests. All too often, continuing in the status quo is too convenient to be resisted with enough energy to reverse the entropy even if correction is urgently needed. Lest the fear of a world government or federation enable the insufficient coordination to be presumed as the best we can do, the governmental sovereignty that is transferred should be accompanied with a design of checks and balances such that political consolidation does not occur. This is not, in other words, an argument for one world government. Rather, it is an observation that the human race as a species as reached a point where the species itself needs manage itself with respect to the planet as a constraint. Otherwise, the continued viability of our species will be in jeopardy. The fear of nuclear war during the last half of the twentieth century was just the dawning of this recognition. The question now is whether we act on our new awareness and situation with respect to the Earth.

Click to Add a Comment or Question (or View Posted Comments) on food prices and global population growth.

Source: http://www.usatoday.com/money/industries/food/2011-03-17-food-costs-world-hunger.htm

Friday, March 4, 2011

Tens of thousands of Chinese workers are scrambling to escape the chaos in Libya, highlighting the risks by Chinese businesses in unstable African countries in search of oil, gas and other resources.Beijing is taking unprecedented steps to aid with the evacuation, sending charter flights and ferries along with military transport planes and dispatching a navy frigate to provide security for its

Thursday, February 24, 2011

By Terril Yue Jones (China Daily) - Updated: 2011-02-24BEIJING - China should account for 8 to 9 percent of global mergers and acquisition (M&A)activity this year, continuing close to its strong levels in 2009 and 2010, according to the head of JPMorgan's China M&A unit, Brian Gu on Tuesday.Consolidation in the consumer retail, real estate, healthcare, and chemical and industrial sectors is

Wednesday, February 23, 2011

(Reuters) - The U.S. navy will continue to upgrade its military capabilities in the Pacific given its steadfast commitment to the region, a U.S. vice admiral said on Monday, while urging China's growing navy to avoid provocation.China's swelling defense budgets, rapid development of advanced systems including aircraft carriers and anti-satellite missiles, and its growing naval aggression in

Monday, February 21, 2011

In July, 2010, a few days after the Agricultural Bank went public in an IPO bringing in $22 billion, dozens of former bank employees stealthily gathered outside the headquarters of the country’s central bank. Like many other state-owned companies, the bank slashed its payroll and restructured in order to raise profitability and make the bank more financially attractive to outside investors. By Western standards, the bank was overstaffed, a legacy of its role as one of the pillars of China’s socialist financial system. The fired bankers have no legal redress in China. In 2000, the Supreme People’s Court put an end to any hope that the legal system might adjudicate such disputes, saying that plaintiffs from state companies had no standing in Chinese courts. So the ex-bankers protest—at least they attempt to do so before being picked up by a coordinated police response. This dynamic should come as no surprise to anyone.  What might not be so apparent is the ability of the banks to use the police to go after recalcitrant ex-employees. The banks are so powerful that they can enlist the local police to keep an eye on the most troublesome employees, often following them to Beijing, where their protests and petitioning can prove embarrassing for executives back home. One ex-employee said, “The head of my branch said he would never give me my money and spend any amount to fight me to the end.”  I contend that it is troubling that the director of a bank branch whose mentality it is to spend any amount of money to fight an ex-employee has police-power at his beck and call.  Beyond the lack of an independent judiciary in China, the possibility that a banker in any country could have a police force at his or her ruddy fat hands is something that ought to be investigated.  While it might be tempting to relegate such a scenerio exclusively to China, European and American states are most likely not immune either.

Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/16/world/asia/16china.html?pagewanted=1&_r=1&dbk

Monday, February 14, 2011

Barak Obama announced after he left the UN global climate conference at Copenhagen in 2009 that five major nations—the United States, China, India, Brazil and South Africa—had together forged a climate deal. He called it “an unprecedented breakthrough” but acknowledgedoted that the agreement was merely a political statement and not a legally binding treaty and might not need ratification by the entire conference.  Essentially, it was merely a statement of the five countries’ respective goals, as if someone had announced, “I want to lose ten pounds.”   The political statement did not meet even the modest expectations that leaders set for this meeting, notably by failing to set a 2010 goal for reaching a binding international treaty to seal the provisions of the accord.  Nor does the plan firmly commit the industrialized nations or the developing nations to firm targets for midterm or long-term greenhouse gas emissions reductions.

This is not stopping the spin that the conference was a success. Obama, for example, said, “For the first time in history, all major economies have come together to accept their responsibility to take action to confront the threat of climate change.” To be sure, the accord does provide a system for monitoring and reporting progress toward those national pollution-reduction goals, a compromise on an issue over which China bargained hard, and it calls for hundreds of billions of dollars to flow from wealthy nations to those countries most vulnerable to a changing climate.  That is, the political statement is not a binding treaty, but the document does lay out a framework for verification of emissions commitments by developing countries and for establishing a “high-level panel” to assess financial contributions by rich nations to help poor countries adapt to climate change and limit their emissions. Lastly, it sets a goal of limiting the global temperature rise to 2 degrees Celsius above preindustrial levels by 2050, implying deep cuts in climate-altering emissions over the next four decades.

However, in a news conference, Barak Obama said the accord was only a tentative start down a long road. The accord sets no goal for concluding a binding international treaty, which leaves the implementation of its provisions uncertain. In other words, any developing country can opt in or out of the monitored pot of money, and China may well still view the monitoring aspect as voluntary—meaning to be determined by the Chinese Government what can be examined.  The Chinese had been intransigent on the matter of verification by non-Chinese.  Citing national sovereignty, the Chinese had claimed that the rest of the world should take Chinese law as being a sufficient basis for verification.  This, I submit, is an extremely odd proposition—that people extrinsic to China should rely on Chinese law when the legitimacy of such law stops at the country’s borders.  The statement is telling because it demonstrates how antiquated the Bodinian notion of absolute national sovereignty is in the modern world.  The interdependence occasioned not only by global warming, but also nuclear proliferation and an increasingly global financial system, makes an insistance on the absoluteness of national sovereignty an extremely dangerous proposition.   The fecklessness of the Chinese approach to “verification” and the resulting diluted “political statement” (rather than a treaty) coming out of the conference suggest that we urgently need to thwart the historical insistance from our global vocabulary and institutions. 

The immediate implication is that the veto in the UN Security Council is no longer legitimate.  Further on, the binding nature of international law backed up by international governance structures that do not include vetos needs to be developed and applied to the domains determined to be rightfully global.  Countries still insisting on the absoluteness of their national sovereignties, such as China on pollution-controls and the US on international criminal law, would have to bend or be boycotted by the rest of the world.   In other words, international relations and economic exchanges ought to be dependent on being subject to a governance structure beyond the nation-state.  If China is left as the only country insisting that nothing can supervene Chinese law, then no one in the world should have anything to do with that country.   In contrast, those subject to a governance structure that supervenes in particular enumerated powers (with sufficient safeguards against their encroachment…given the history of the US) should be able to enjoy benefits beyond the binding nature of such powers, such as privileged positions in trade and visas.   I would argue that governments that insist that their law is insurmountable deserve to be marginalized by the rest of the world.  I write this as an American knowing that the US may well be marginalized under this scenerio unless there is some movement on international criminal law (i.e., being subject to the International Criminal Court, which in turn would be given the ability to go into any country and extract defendants).  

The technological development during the twentieth century means that political development is necessary in the twenty-first century.  We are so used to viewing change in terms of technology that we are perhaps unaccustomed to the sort of change that should ensue in order to obviate the new dangers from the technology.   In other words, we need to shift gears in terms of the domains wherein change is expected or thought to occur.   In some respects, we are still in the dark ages, and being in the dark when the planet could come to an equilibrium unsuitable for human habitation—whether via carbon or radioactivity—represents a level of danger that ought to move us to action against the default of national sovereignty.  In some respects, we are so primitive; we tend not to see this because we identify change and development with technology.

Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/19/science/earth/19climate.html?_r=1&hp

Friday, February 11, 2011

February 9 2011 - Sapa-AFPCape Town - Africa's rich natural resources will remain key to China as the Asian giant grows at a more moderate but sustainable pace, an expert on the country told an African mining conference on Tuesday.“We feel that demand from China is something to rely upon,” said Kobus van der Wath, managing director of consultancy Beijing Axis, adding that China's economic

Thursday, February 10, 2011

BEIJING, China, February 9, 2011/African Press Organization (APO)Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Hong Lei announces at a regular press conference:At the invitation of Mumbengegwi, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Zimbabwe, Toungui, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Cooperation, la Francophonie and Regional Integration of the Republic of Gabon, Faki, Minister for Foreign Affairs, African

Monday, February 7, 2011

China, India put US$5bn into Africa

January 27 2011 -- I-Net BridgeChina and India invested more than US$5 billion in Africa in 2009 in the middle of the global recession, the third-quarter MasterCard Worldwide Insights report shows.Industries targeted for investment included mining, oil, information and communication technologies, construction, power generation and textiles.The report points out that China and India are both

Thursday, November 18, 2010

The World Bank's managing director said Tuesday that Chinese companies must stop making closed-door deals and that that investors in Africa needed to work more with local communities.Author: David Stanway and Lucy Hornby (Reuters)Posted: Tuesday , 16 Nov 2010 Chinese companies eying African mineral resources must stop making closed-door deals and become more transparent in their investments, a

By David StanwayTIANJIN, China (Reuters) - The construction of transportation and power infrastructure across Africa could provide the next big opportunity for Chinese firms aiming to invest in the continent, a senior executive with South Africa's Standard Bank told Reuters.Speaking on the sidelines of a mining conference, Andrew King, the bank's Asia chief executive, said the big advantage

Thursday, November 11, 2010

BEIJING, Nov. 9 (Xinhua) -- The United States has lost its double-A credit rating with Dagong Global Credit Rating Co., Ltd., the first domestic rating agency in China, due to its new round of quantitative easing policy.Dagong Global on Tuesday downgraded the local and foreign currency long-term sovereign credit rating of the U.S. by one level to A+ from previous AA with "negative" outlook.The

Wednesday, November 10, 2010

China will force banks to hold more foreign exchange and strengthen auditing of overseas fund raising, stepping up efforts to curb hot-money inflows that may inflate asset bubbles and add pressure for a stronger yuan.The State Administration of Foreign Exchange will introduce new rules on currency provisioning and tighten management of banks’ foreign-debt quotas, the regulator said in a statement

Friday, November 5, 2010

by: Alex Thurston | November 4, 2010Two stories from Reuters this week show China backing major road projects in Africa. While many accounts of “China in Africa” emphasize Chinese involvement in the energy sector, these reports underline the extent to which China is flexing economic muscle in diverse and important areas of African life, including infrastructure.In Kenya, where the government is

Thursday, November 4, 2010

China pours more cash into Africa

China would encourage commercial banks to lend more to Africa, a trade official said on Saturday.Beijing pledged $10 billion (R69bn) in "preferential" loans to Africa last year, but Ministry of Commerce official Zhong Manying said that was not enough. "In view of Africa's demand for funds, the $10bn is too limited," Zhong told a news briefing. A recent World Bank study showed that Africa needed

China’s sovereign wealth fund has urged the Obama administration to spend 1trillion US dollars on infrastructure over the next five years, to create jobs and improve US competitiveness.Zhou Yuan, head of asset allocation at China Investment Corporation (CIC), said Beijing would be willing to invest in such projects. CIC manages part of China's massive foreign exchange reserves, an estimated 300

Tuesday, October 26, 2010

By Geoff Dyer in Beijing [Financial Times] - Published: October 19 2010In its 61-year history, the People’s Republic of China has only ever had one orderly change of leadership, when Hu Jintao assumed the reins of power in 2002-03. Now China looks to be on course for a second smooth transition.After being appointed on Monday as a vice-chairman of the body that runs China’s military, Xi Jinping

Miners work at the physical edges of our consumer society. Like the canary in the mine shaft, they are sentinels for the triumph, toil and tragedy of the global economic system. Only days after the miraculous rescue of the Chilean miners, Chinese supervisors shot and wounded 11 workers in a coal mine in Zambia on October 15. The labor conflict casts a dark shadow on the track record of Chinese

 

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