Showing posts with label United Nations. Show all posts
Showing posts with label United Nations. Show all posts

Monday, February 28, 2011

The UN’s highest court ruled in 2010 that Kosovo’s declaration of independence from Serbia did not break international law. President Hisashi Owada of the International Court of Justice said international law contains no ”prohibition on declarations of independence” and therefore Kosovo’s declaration ”did not violate general international law.” Kosovo’s statehood had been recognized by all of the United States and most of the States of the EU.

Critically, the court’s ruling is nonbinding.  Hence China and Russia are under no obligation to recognize it, though as both states are members of the UN one might suppose that the UN’s ruling is binding on them as members of the UN. What sanctions, one might surmise, could the UN issue against its members that do not recognize the rulings of its court? Short of cancelling their memberships, what could the UN assess that it could enforce?  Perhaps the UN could effectively withhold their voting privilege in the UN while maintaining their membership (and fees).  I contend that such “teeth” is necessary if the UN is to be an honest broker concerning questions of declarations of independence such that war is obviated. In The Least Dangerous Branch, Alexander Bickel argues that the judiciary is the least dangerous branch because it does not have control of the purse or an army.  A court whose rulings are nonbinding is to render it nearly impotent—nearly because just being a court carries with it some legitimacy and thus influence. Even so, as an improvement on the alternative (i.e., war), the UN’s court needs something more binding. To tout an absolutist theory of sovereignty of the nation-state as an obstacle to recognizing the UN court as binding would be enervate a possible improvement of mankind with respect to conflict in international relations.  Particularly in an age in which mass  human destructiveness is possible, we can ill-afford a Bodinean theory of sovereignty. In spite of the dangers in continuing the status quo in international conflict resolution, we advance at a snail’s pace—particularly as compared to technological development. I contend that it is high time for political development in international relations. Yet for this to occur it seems that human nature itself—particularly, its intractability—would have to be overcome, which might render the original problem moot.  Even so, it is worth a try. We may be closer than we think to being able to give the UN’s highest court a bindingness sufficient to reduce the likelihood of war appreciably.

Source: http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2010/07/22/world/europe/AP-EU-World-Court-Kosovo.html?_r=1

Thursday, February 3, 2011

As I had suspected, Barak Obama’s 2010 speech at the UN’s annual opening lacked tangible proposals.  For example, he urged progress on the middle east peace talks, but proffered no proposal.  He said Africa could be prosperous agriculturally, but gave no proposal for how.  Also, he said corruption in governments of developing countries is a problem, but offered no solution.  Pointing to corruption in general diffuses responsibility so talking about it does not shame anyone into making hard choices.  In my view, more radical (i.e., systemic) changes are needed, but the politicians are too mainstream/moderate for that.For example, he could have urged African leaders to cede more governmental sovereignty to the African Union, which in turn could then act as a check on government corruption at the state level.  Also, Obama could have proposed a loose federal confederation for the middle east, which would mitigate the middle east conflict, or he could have given a proposal involving the borders of a possible Palestinian state (i.e., what to do with Jerusalem). Finally, the President could have gone beyond citing his efforts to reduce the risk of nuclear proliferation to announce that the US would join the ten countries that have created a movement with the goal of eliminating nuclear weapons completely—even from the present nuclear powers such as the US. Meeting on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York, the 10 countries launched the new initiative to work towards a world without nuclear weapons. Foreign ministers, led by Japan and Australia, hoped to bring new life to efforts for nonproliferation and disarmament. Their mission statement said: “The only guarantee against the use and threat of nuclear weapons is their total elimination.” This would be real change.  In contrast, Obama said his goal is securing loose nuclear material around the world in four years.  This sort of goal shows that he is inside the box—an incrementalist rather than a leader.

I wish the President and his advisors had thought more to create new proposals and to think outside the box than simply putting a nice-sounding speech together. In short, in place of politics as usual, there could have been real change in the speech.  What good do platitudes do?

See: http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,6035871,00.html

EU member states have been thrashing out the details of the resolution to be presented to the UN in meetings in both Brussels and New York over the past few months in a bid to finalize a proposal which will lay out the details of the EU’s increased UN role which is intended to boost the bloc’s profile as an independent entity at international level. The draft reforms agreed by the EU member states – if approved – will give the EU the powers enjoyed by fully-fledged UN members, such as the right to make proposals and submit amendments, the right of reply, the right to raise points of order and the right to circulate documents. While there is no demand in the draft for a more prominent seating position for the EU, it is possible that the EU could be moved to the center of the UN’s assembly chamber. Wherever the EU is situated, additional seats alongside a new European UN ambassador will be made available for High Representative Catherine Ashton, the EU’s foreign policy chief, and her staff. Experts believe that the creation of the EU role will not significantly enhance the bloc’s ability to influence policy at a UN level but will provide an opportunity to present the EU as a unified power on the international stage.

While EU member states as a whole have agreed to the draft resolution, there has been a certain amount of opposition and a number of EU nations have voiced concerns about what they see as the next step towards a European super-state which they fear will erode national sovereignty within Europe and remove the need for independent foreign policy. Britain in particular is concerned that the new powers will undermine its role on the UN Security Council and reports have surfaced that British Foreign Secretary William Hague – who is a strong critic of centralised European power – was forced to back down in his stance against the proposal after EU diplomats stated that the creation of the UN role was part of the Lisbon Treaty’s vision for the European External Action Service, the bloc’s diplomatic corps. “It’s rather an out-dated view that Britain and France should be concerned by EU power affecting their status on the UN Security Council,” Michael Emerson, a senior research fellow at the Centre for European Policy Studies in Brussels, told Deutsche Welle. “In reality, it should be turned on its head. An expanded EU role could enhance both Britain and France who are too small to be heard on the international stage on their own these days and in fact they have been using the EU as a necessary vehicle with which to achieve their own goals because of this for some time.” Peter Schmidt, an expert on EU-UN relations at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, thinks the new arrangement won’t have any real consequences. “Britain and France, the European members of the Security Council, won’t see their powers reduced or usurped, at least not yet,” said Schmidt. “In reality, both France and Britain still behave in major matters like independent, sovereign states. As for the concerns of other European nations who fear for their sovereign rights, they will go on behaving like nation states, but will be ready to let an EU representative speak if they agree on a common position.”

Analysis:

It is not true that EU states are independent, sovereign states, as significant transfers of governmental sovereignty to the EU have already occurred. It is true that the states still manage most of the powers of diplomacy, but even here the economic aspects of foreign policy have been largely assumed by the EU governmental institutions.  What I am getting at is the following: just because the particular enumerated powers are different in the case of the EU and US does not mean that the EU’s states are thereby somehow not states in a federal union.  The important point is that in both unions, governmental sovereignty has been split, or divided, between the union and states.  To be sure, the two federal systems have different balances of power, but the dual sovereignty in both means that they are both federal systems.  Hence, just as the US is represented in the UN, so too should the EU.  For France and Britain as well as the EU to be represented “over-counts” the EU, in effect.  It would be like having Texas, California, and the US represented in the UN Security Council.  Hence, the EU should replace its state governments in the UN, instead of being added to somehow sit besides them.  In both scale and as polities, the European and American states are equivalent.  The proposal for a kind of liminal status for the EU at the UN evinces the lack of clarity that is extant on what exactly the EU is.  To be sure, EU states such as Britain have a vested interest in sidelining the EU, even though—as Britain is too small to influence international affairs on its own—such a strategy is actually contrary to Britain’s interests.  It is arrogance, rather than political realism, that is guiding Britain’s approach to the EU’s proposal at the UN.

Britain has gone from being the host kingdom of an empire to being a state in an empire-scale (and level) union.  France and Germany also have been host kingdoms of empires. So too has Austria/Hungary.  Yet even with this history and the present political identification of Europeans with their respective states, the EU is a federal system of government characterized by dual sovereignty (which Kenneth Wheare claims in Federal Government is the defining feature of modern federalism). Far-sighted Europeans might recall that when the US was young, most of its residents identified themselves with their respective states rather than as Americans.  To be sure, the independent and sovereign states that had their own citizens (as well as armies and citizenry) and formed the Articles of Confederation of the US in 1781 had had relatively short histories, but the state governments were fully sovereign and very aware of this fact as their respective citizens ceded some of their governmental sovereignty in ratifying conventions to a new federal union government, which was very limited in its powers—as is that of the EU today. So the Euroskeptics are wise to worry about consolidation, given the ensuing history of the US, but unwise to assume that holding the EU back is an effective counter-measure and also in their interests.  Rather than denying what the EU is, euroskeptics should put their efforts into devising checks and balances that will protect a balance of power between the state governments and that of the union.  Such efforts would pay off not only for the EU, but might also be of value in the US if the Americans come to realize that the EU exists and what is it. Only from such a basis of comparison will the Americans be able to learn from the federalism of the EU in order to back off from consolidation.

See: http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,5815035,00.html

 

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