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U.S. Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY), was the Tea Party candidate who challenged the Republican establishment to win the party’s Senate nomination in Kentucky on May 18, 2010. A day later, he publically criticized a plank of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Specifically, he said in an interview with Rachel Maddow on MSNBC television that he supported the sections of the Civil Rights Act that applied to public accommodations but had concerns when it came to its applicability to private business. He had raised similar concerns earlier in the day about the Americans with Disabilities Act in an interview on National Public Radio. Asked by Maddow if a private business had the right to refuse to serve black people, Mr. Paul replied, “Yes.”

In citing the rights inherent in private property, Mr. Paul, an eye surgeon, was refusing to recognize the “publicness” in a business being open to the public, as distinct from someone’s house, which is not open to the public. In other words, Mr. Paul was ignoring the qualification to private property that comes into play as soon as said property is opened to the public.  Such property is quasi-public precisely because it is open to the public.  Hence, society, through its government, has a right to dictate the obligations going with that element of publicness.  Mr. Paul would have been on firmer ground had he limited his statement to private clubs, such as country clubs, which do not receive public money and are not open to the public.  However, even here, if people associate in a way that hurts others by intentionally excluding them, there might be an argument in favor of subjecting them to the Act, though such an argument seems weaker than those for freedom of association and on private property not open to the public.

Rand Paul also said on ABC TV that President Barack Obama’s criticism of BP in the wake of the Gulf oil debacle sounds “really un-American.”  Paul said that the president’s response is part of the “blame game” that’s played in the United States. The game, he argued, leads to the thinking that tragic incidents are “always someone’s fault” when sometimes accidents just happen. Sen. Paul was ignoring that BP overrode Transocean in directing its employees not to use “mud” to maintain pressure in the well as cement “corks” were being inserted.  Also, managers at BP claimed to have the technology to stop any leak or spill when no such technology existed. In short, the managers at BP put the Gulf at risk in order to cut corners so as to earn more profit (as if $2 billion a month was not sufficient).  Rather than go after the mentality of shirking amid a “more, more, more” mentality wherein nothing is ever enough, Paul went after the representative of the victim–society as a whole.  That is to say, he added insult to injury by going after the victim rather than the culprit.  In so doing, he ignored key elements of the culpability.

Listening to the candidate the Maddow show on MSNBC, I was more concerned by the way he chose to evade questions than by his failure to take “being open to the public” into account in his view on civil rights law. At one point, Rachel Maddow asked him, “yes or no,”  on whether he would exclude private businesses from the Civil Rights law.  He replied that he was against the violence that took place in the 1960s in association with Walgreen’s lunch-counters. Beyond not answering the question, Mr. Paul seemed to be continuing with what he wanted to say–ignoring the question entirely as a mere interruption to be dismissed. I noticed a few times that after Maddow did indeed interrupt him, he simply picked up with what he had been saying.  Could his ignoring the questions be related to his ignoring the “open to the public” qualification and the risky shirking of BP?  In other words, might it be that Mr. Paul simply does not see what is inconvenient to his world view?  If so, I contend that this character trait is far more alarming than even his evasions and his over-simplified view on private property and the oil spill.  If you have ever tried repeatedly to tell someone something only to have your statement ignored as the other person continues on with what he or she was saying, you know what I mean. Sadly, I suspect that Rand Paul didn't notice it. This character flaw is by no means limited to him. Nor is this an invitation for partisan aspersions on the Republican Party.

Rather, I suspect that not answering questions--even asking one's own instead of given any answer to a question outstanding--is a growing attitude in modern America. I have witnessed it myself in emailing people I don't know on matters involving an actual or potential commercial transation. Does the computer come with Office 2007? Reply: When you would like to come by to look at it?  But what about Office 2007?  Or take apartment hunting:  Are utilities included in the rent? Reply: Call me to make an appointment to see the unit. Nietzsche would have a field day with such a mentality that vaunts itself as superior by "virtue" of its own assumed dominance. The basis of Rand Paul's non-answer, in other words, could have been an attempt to dominate beyond his place on Maddow's show. In other words, his non-answers could have been refusals rooted in a will to power that was biting off more than it could chew on someone else's show.

In terms of having a will to power based on strength, many of the stations or offices in modern society that we view as being entitled to dominate are in fact weak.  Nietzsche points to the modern moralist's thou shalt not as an attempt by the weak to dominate beyond their innate weak constitution. He also points to the attempts of the modern manager to dominate in such terms (and the priest as well). In watching various personalities giving non-answers while being interviewed on television, I find myself wondering if they know they are doing it. If they do, they are indeed rascals; if they do not, their stygian pathology is much deeper than I am equipped to investigate. Perhaps the modern illness is malignant narcissism to such an extent in a personality that the delimited perspective eclipses even awareness of what oneself is doing.

Sources: http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/21/us/politics/21paul.html?ref=politics   http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/37273085/ns/politics-decision_2010/

In early February, 2011, the Los Angeles city council voted unanimously to draft an ordinance that would require condoms to be used on the set of every pornographic movie made within city limits. “We can’t keep our heads in the sand any longer,” City Councilman Bill Rosendahl said. “These people should be using condoms. Period.” According to The New York Times, the "city law would be the first to impose safety standards specifically on the pornographic film industry, which has largely been allowed to police itself." Until the late 1990s, the industry went unregulated. On the heels of lawsuits filed against production companies by several actresses who had contracted H.I.V., the industry created the Adult Industry Medical Healthcare Foundation in 1998. The nonprofit clinic was financed by contributions from production companies and offered STD tests for the talent. Producers agreed not to hire performers who had not been tested within thirty days. Even though the county health department accused the industry's self-regulation of failing to protect the talent and their sexual partners, the production companies claimed that the system worked well. “This has been working for years,” said Steven Hirsch, founder of Vivid Entertainment. “If we saw people getting sick, we would go to mandatory condoms.” However, STDs remained rampant among pornographic film performers. Rates of chlamydia and gonorrhea are seven times higher than those in the general population.  Taking Steven Hirsch's own statement, it could be argued that waiting until an actor looks sick to require him to wear a condom is a bit like waiting until the horse has left the barn. “Testing just acts as a fig leaf for producers, who suggest that it is a reasonable substitute for condoms, which it is not,” said Michael Weinstein, president of the AIDS Healthcare Foundation.

As with most business ethics cases, this case pits the public good against the financial interests of particular firms and employees. The self-regulatory testing system often left the talent weighing financial needs against their own safety (and one could add the public health). “At first, I would ask about condoms, and they told me I’d never be able to find work,” one actress said. “You do worry about the risk, but any girl desperate for money, like I was, is still going to do it.” It is also not in the financial interest of the production companies to make condom use mandatory. “I tried many years ago to get everybody to go to condoms,” said Jim South, a longtime talent agent for sex-film performers. “Quite a few companies did, but sales fell severely. The switch would be very difficult.”

Ethically, both the talent and the companies have been risking harm to others (and in the case of the talent, themselves as well) in order to gain financially.  It is essentially egoism at the expense of others' well-being. To the extent that AIDs is still fatal, the trade off is between killing someone (and oneself, in the case of the talent not wanting to wear condoms) and losing money. I have written a novel in which I juxapose frauduent sub-prime mortgage banker with gay college students who carelessly risk others' health (and lives) by having unprotected sex, moving from guy to guy in "hook-ups."  The harm in being kicked out of one's home onto the street may seem qualitatively different than the harm in being infected by a possibly fatal disease.  However, I contend that the callous disregard for others among the two kinds of violators renders the two as the same "type." Moreover, I submit that this "type" is increasingly salient in the make up of modern society.  In other words, modern culture, at least in the West, is increasingly taking on their attitude. In terms of M. Scott Peck's theory in People of the Lie, the self-centeredness at the expense of others is malignant narcissism.  Peck theorizes that such narcissism is actually a protective or defensive shield around a feeling of emptiness at one's core.  The evil, Peck argues, is the emptiness rather than the defense mechanisms of selfishness and lack of empathy.  The increasingly "bubble" quality of modern society, wherein people drive in their own cars, listen to their own music, and even watch movies alone on their laptops, may perpetuate the "me vs. everyone else," which in turn reinforces the attitude of malignant narcissism.

Beyond the ethical dimension, that industry self-regulation allowed for others to be harmed in the sex film industry and perhaps has even killed talent or their partners indicates a justification for government regulation. The New York Times reports that enforcement has been a problem, and that the threat of loss of the industry might undercut the regulator's power to enforce a new law. "Even if the law is enacted, city regulators may face similar problems of enforcement that have dogged state occupational safety and health officials. And some filmmakers have grumbled about moving their operations, which bring in as much as $13 billion annually, to other states." An industry can "capture" a regulatory agency not only because the latter depends on the former for information, but also because of the industry's power. This power can be exercised through government officials, even legislators and governors, who have influence over agencies. 

In the end, it is the lack of value that talent and the production companies put on human life (especially that of others, but also that of the talent themselves) that is telling in this case study. Sex itself is oriented to an instant of sheer pleasure that a peson can enjoy in him or herself. It is therefore not surprising that people in an industry involving sex are oriented to their own interests at the expense of others. Whether through industry self-regulation or government regulation, it is difficult to get around, or change, an attitude. This is the intractable problem that this case puts before us. One might ask whether the malignant narcissism is simply human nature or an instance of decadence therein.  Weakness may be difficult enough to treat; whether human nature itself can be changed so as to mitigate the squalid effects of malignant narcissism may be a question for the psychological, biological and medical sciences as the twenty-first century progresses.

Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/02/10/health/policy/10porn.html?_r=1&ref=todayspaper