Friday, April 8, 2011

On April 5, 2011, President Obama observed, “We’re going to have some very tough negotiations. And there are going to be, I think, very sharply contrasting visions in terms of where we should move the country. That’s a legitimate debate to have.” (1) He sounded very presidential in making the statement because he was taking the perspective of the nation as a whole. Furthermore, he used that vantage-point to try to keep negotiations from falling off the track. “If they can’t sort it out,” he said, “then I want them back here tomorrow.” (2) In short, he was presiding, rather than being partisan in taking a side, as he framed the situation facing the union. 

                                             Doug Mills, The New York Times                 

However, even as the president was referring to the two sides sorting the budget out as “they,” he himself was on one of the sides. That is, even though he “sought to position himself above the nitty-gritty haggling going on in Congress, which . . . limited his influence on the process” yet distanced him from any blame, his taking a side in the dispute subtly worked against his attempt to preside to hold the process as a whole together. (3) 

Michael Shear of The New York Times claims that Obama had "assumed the role of mediator in chief" in part to avoid a government shutdown. (4)  Attempting to distance himself from both sides, the president told reporters after a negotiation session on April 7th, “What I’ve said to the speaker and what I’ve said to Harry Reid is, because the machinery of the shutdown is necessarily starting to move, I expect an answer in the morning.” (5) Shear maintains that Obama's language here "suggests that he sees himself more as a bridge between the warring political parties than an active participant in the high-stakes discussions." (6) Crucially, the president's motivation may have enabled him to unwittingly compromise his own credibility, and therefore his situs from which to preside.

Shear suggests that Obama was taking on the mediator-in-chief role not only as a means to avoid a shutdown, but also, and perhaps more saliently, "to try to show that a government shutdown, if it happens, would be the result of a disagreement between the two sets of lawmakers — not a failure of his own. But there is a long-term goal as well: to convey to a restless public, and especially to moderate voters, that Mr. Obama is above the petty Washington bickering that many Americans say turns them off. That will be especially important for Mr. Obama as his re-election campaign tries to woo back independents who had become disillusioned with him." (7)  Jeff Zeleny reports that at times the president even referred "to Democrats in the third person, as though he is not the leader of the party. . . . 'Republicans and Democrats both start making a lot of speeches,' Mr. Obama said. 'Usually the Democrats blame the Republicans, the Republicans blame the Democrats.'" (8) "It remains an open question," Zeleny observes, "whether the distance he seeks to place between himself and Democrats on Capitol Hill — his own version of triangulation — will attract independent voters or antagonize members of his party." (9) Were the president's motivation more oriented all along to presiding so negotiations would have a buffer or safeguard of last resort, Obama would not have staked out a position in line with Harry Reid.

Aside from trying to distance himself from blame, a president alone can hold “the process” itself from falling off the ship of state by speaking to the encompassing interests of the country, thereby having credibility to both sides in holding them to the table. I contend that being a party to a dispute works against this presiding role that only a president can fulfill. In other words, a partisan president is an oxymoron even if the forced combination has become the bromidic default in practice. All too often, presidents have tried to have it both ways. In so doing, they have undercut their own presidencies and deprived the country of the function that only the president is in a position to accomplish. President Obama was not immune from the temptation.

Even though The New York Times reports that "Obama sought to present himself . . . as the man of reason and compromise, a disappointed father figure having to mediate a dispute between two squabbling siblings,"
USA Today points out that Sen. Harry Reid and the president objected to GOP proposals to cut funding for Planned Parenthood and the Environmental Protection Agency. (10)  At one crucial point, the president and the speaker of the House went head to head in the oval office on the Planned Parenthood funding. According to The New York Times, the president said “Nope. Zero” to the speaker, who then tried again. “Nope. Zero,” Obama repeated. “John, this is it,” the president finally said. The paper reports that "a long silence followed, said one participant in the meeting. 'It was just like an awkward, ‘O.K., well, what do you do now?’'” (11) The president was not only partial to one of the sides; he was one of them.

The presider having become the one of the combatants, he could not exactly turn around and save the process. To accomplish that, he would have needed to have been in a position of credibility to both sides. When the partisans get to "what do we do now?" partisanship trumps the public good. Lest the partisans be left to stare at each other, twiddle their thumbs, and finally leave the room, this is precisely the point at which the presider is of such value--meaning that role alone. Wading into a pool only to step out should the water get too hot in order to rescue both sides simply doesn't work; the combatants whom the "presider" had confronted will be hesitant to take the outstreached hand even as the water begins to burn. Neutrality and the resultant credibility is absolutely essential to presiding at times when the partisans have reached a dead end and the greater good is threatened because of the paralysis. A partisan president trying to have it both ways doesn't cut it.

At one point during the days of negotiations on the stop-gap budget during the second week of April,  the president took sides even as he was trying to come off as presiding in the interest of the union itself. While evincing political skill, the feat tacitly undercut his presiding credibility. Specifically, the president took a swipe at the Tea Party influence on the House Speaker keeping him from compromising. “The only question is whether politics or ideology are going to get in the way of preventing a government shutdown.” (12) Of course, this line could be interpreted as presidential, or presiding, because politics or ideology could apply to either party. However, given Reid’s charges two days later in the U.S. Senate chamber that the Tea Party’s ideology was keeping Speaker Boehner from compromising, the president had probably been maintaining a partisan script. That is, he had most likely been trying to have it both ways: seeming to preside while actually trying to further one of the sides.  

Even though striking out at the other side while seeming to preside can evince cleverness applied to political skill, and this in turn can elicit respect and perhaps even admiration, I contend that such respect is fleeting. Indeed, there is something seemly for a father figure to openly side with one of his sons against the other. How is the other to feel? Such "objectivity" amid such favoratism is clearly not good parenting. In fact, it points to a parent with a questional character and psychological constitution. The analogy of parenthood goes only so far, however, as a president is one adult among others rather than a superdad over children (hence government officials, such as those in China, who tell citizens to obey or be punished are making a category mistake in a very hauty way).

As the "what do we do now?" question proffered after the president had said "nope, zero" to the speaker demonstrates, a great opportunity cost is entailed in a presider taking sides on every quotidian matter that crosses his or her desk. A president doesn't have to take this bait. Many players are available to dive into a dispute, but only the presider stands for the whole and is therefore in a position to hold the ship itself together when the partisans lose control of the process. Neither fusing partisanship and presiding nor playing mediator-in-chief simply to distance oneself from blame generates credibility sufficient to meet what is necessary for presiding in a crisis. Without a presider credible to both sides, the ship of state in such a case is bound to hit the rocks. Therefore, a truly great presidency resists the temptation to win the day; instead, a true president speaks to the nation as a nation so as to be able to keep it from the abyss when the partisans have tied each other in knots. Lest a president throw an arm or leg into the knot, who is left to untie the self-inflicted ropes?  I’m afraid we all have forgotten what a presidential role was designed to do, and this has put the United States at great risk.  Sadly, we don't even see it.

Literally, to sit before that body or society over which one is presiding is the essential, or root, nature of a presidency. This function naturally involves protecting and enunciating the interests of the whole--hence choosing one's battles carefully and selectively. To be effective in a matter that suits the design of the office, a presider must ensure that his or her credibility is intact when it is needed in taking a stand on those few grave matters of crisis on which the system itself really does depend.  Picking fights on a daily basis wastes this sort of capital. Lest it be forgotten, less can be more.  In this case, the “less” is actually that which builds great legacies because it is in line with the nature of the office.

Click to listen to the author's podcast commentary on this essay.

Click to add a question or comment on the impact of partisanship on a president presiding.

Footnotes:

1.      Gregory Korte, “Meeting Fails to End Impasse on Federal Budget,” USA Today, April 6, 2011, p. 2A.
2.      Naftali Bendavid, Jonathan Weisman, and Carol E. Lee, "Budget Talks Head to Brink,” Wall Street Journal, April 6, 2011, pp. A6.
3.      Ibid.
4.      Michael D. Shear, "On Budget Dispute, Obama Casts Himself as Mediator in Chief," The New York Times, April 8, 2011.
5.      Ibid.
6.      Ibid.
7.      Ibid.
8.      Jeff Zeleny, "Rifts within Both Parties Test Leaders in Budget Fight," The New York Times, April 6, 2011.
9.      Ibid.
10.  Jeff Zeleny, "Rifts within Both Parties Test Leaders in Budget Fight," The New York Times, April 6, 2011; Gregory Korte, “Meeting Fails to End Impasse on Federal Budget,” USA Today, April 6, 2011, p. 2A.
11.  David M. Herszenhorn and Helene Cooper, “Concessions and Tension, Then a Deal,” The New York Times, April 9, 2011.
12.  Gregory Korte, “Meeting Fails to End Impasse on Federal Budget,” USA Today, April 6, 2011, p. 2A.

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